The final product
Trip Start
May 12, 2007
1
9
Trip End
Aug 09, 2007
Ulaanbaatar,
Mongolia
Friday, August 3, 2007
I just finished my report on my research and volunteer work for the summer, so instead of going into great detail about the last week, I am instead going to present you all with my observations and findings from the past 9 weeks. Enjoy!
Introduction:
Under the advisement of Dr. Sally Newman, this summer, I along with Enkhjargal Adiya, a PhD candidate at the University of Pittsburgh, conducted research on intergenerational relationships, and in order to better understand the Mongolian family, I also volunteered for a branch of the Mongolian Women's Fund (MONES), an NGO that financially supports women's initiatives. These experiences solidified my understanding of the Mongolian family and the numerous factors shaping Mongolian society. Both realms reinforced the ways that the Mongolian generations have been affected by modernization and urbanization. Whether or not these different experiences pose permanent threats to the traditional Mongolian family structure and relationships is perhaps the most important question of my research, but also the most difficult and complex to answer. In this report, I will explain the nature of my work with MONES, reflect on my personal experiences of the family and social problems that I encountered, and then explore the effect of increased individualism on the family structure in urban and rural environments
VOLUNTEERWORK
Duties and Tasks:
Because the headquarters of the Mongolian Women's Fund was closed for the month of July, I was assigned to one of their branches, the Nisora Fund, sponsored by Nisora LLC. The Nisora Fund is involved in all areas of societal dysfunction including campaigns against domestic violence, a battered women's and children's center called the "Transition House," anti-sexual harassment programs, lobbying against child abuse and sexual harassment, and providing free counseling, training, and advocacy services. I assisted with grant applications, edited written English on various documents, and explained incoming English documents. Nisora is planning "A campaign for Men and Boys against Gender Inequality" for the month of August, so most of my work was on grants and documentation for this purpose.
Observations:
During my brief time at the Nisora Fund, I was exposed to many important social, political, and economic issues that affect family and intergenerational relationships My work helped me grasp many issues related to major social problems in Mongolia, thus enabling me to identify a set of possible explanations for the family concerns I encountered during my research. Among the many issues the Nisora Fund addresses, two items were constantly emphasized: domestic abuse and alcoholism. Mongolia is in a state of severe economic and social crisis. According to the 2004-2005 Civil Society Report for Mongolia, an alarming 36.1% of the population lives in poverty.[1] This is probably a low estimate given that the standard of living is set artificially low (around 20,200-26,500 Tg).[2] Thus, it is not surprising that the rate of unemployment is very high (at least 20%).[3] With so many people without jobs and living in poverty, cases of alcohol abuse have escalated dramatically. Estimates show that 51% of the adult population abuses alcohol.[4] This fact, in conjunction with the increase in urban migration to Ulaanbaatar which is already home to one third of the country's population[5], complicates circumstances even more. With so much overcrowding, it is extremely difficult to find urban employment or even maintain the motivation to find a job. This dangerous combination of poverty, unemployment, and alcohol in the last 10-15 years has led to an increased number of violence and domestic abuse cases. The correlation between alcoholism and domestic abuse is very strong, with a recent report by the Mongolian Ministry of Health in 2006 showing the significant numbers of violent incidents committed by family members under the influence of alcohol.[6]
In its short time running, the Nisora Fund has created counseling groups aimed at helping those affected by domestic abuse or alcohol. All groups are led by trained psychologists, one of whom was my supervisor, Alta Badarch. My conversations with her have provided me with insight into the growing numbers of domestic abuse cases, especially in recent migrants. Families often come to the city with no resources, having lost all their livestock to a harsh winter or, as in 2001, a Mongolian dzud (blizzard). While most of these people come to Ulaanbaatar with the intention of earning a living, many find themselves unable to seek employment due to both a lack of jobs and lack of higher education. These factors contribute to great amounts of stress and frustration, and such a tense environment often leads urban adolescents to seek attention and support from outside the family.
These mounting pressures, says Baasanbat Sambuu[7], the director and psychologist at "Mongol Urkh," (a family therapy center), are one of the leading causes of family and intergenerational tension. In her analysis, the heavy influence of western media and the "hip hop" culture adopted by many of today's Mongolian adolescents is in direct response to the lack of emotional family support at home or the presence of an alcoholic or abusive parent (or, in many cases, both). Now that Mongolia is an emerging player in a market economy, Sambuu believes that many people are focusing their attention on providing monetary, rather than emotional support for the family. What makes this situation even more troubling is that much of the urban culture and media is focused upon material success, putting pressure on people in a society of high unemployment and poverty to make money, spend it, and acquire more material things. These two obviously incompatible forces often put older generations in an impossible situation that can them lead to depression and drinking.
The current and changing status of the Mongolian family is easily understood through the lens of a family center such as Mongol Urkh. All counseling sessions take place in a ger in Ms. Sambuu's office. Sambuu believes that a ger's solid, sturdy structure represents the positive features of the Mongolian family, providing the perfect setting for a comfortable, constructive family discussion. All the patients she receives have come voluntarily, demonstrating the growing interest in being proactive to fix social circumstances. Among the more common problems dealt with in sessions are alcoholism, domestic abuse, and parenting. According to Sambuu, the nature of the conflicts between parents and children tend to involve a lack of proper communication. This is often caused by an inability to relate to or understand one another's interests or activities. This kind of barrier between adults and children seems to have intensified with the increasing western influence in Ulaanbaatar. Many people, especially women, come individually for counseling on family matters, illustrating the shift from the family as a single entity to individualism. Not only does this trend show that individuals are able to recognize when a situation has escalated to a serious problem, but also that more people perceive themselves as individuals in need of help rather than part of an entire family in need of help.
Additionally, Sambuu also mentioned that many of her patients come from families who have had one parent working abroad in Russia, China, or Korea for most of the child's life, in order to financially support the family. While monetary support is obviously critical to living a secure and content life, in her experiences, the absence of a parent can be very hard on a growing child even if it is the grandparent who provides the childcare. This condition of "absent-middle-generation" [8] is one that can create feelings of resentment of younger generations towards older generations, and can encourage the desire to break with tradition and seek a new identity elsewhere.
RESEARCH
Rationale:
The goal of my research project was to better understand the patterns and trends in intergenerational relationships through interviews with multi-generational families in both urban and rural environments. Upon my arrival, I quickly discovered how difficult it was to untangle the complicated cluster of issues surrounding the family unit and still manage to maintain a single focus. I had not expected the extent to which the family, especially in the city, is so inexorably intertwined with social, economic, and political complexities. I have found that urban family relationships are like shock absorbers of the surrounding social and economic environment; they absorb the changes and transitions into their very depths and adjust themselves in response to each modification. In a place where so many drastic social and economic changes have occurred within so short a period of time, Mongolia provides an interesting case study of the family unit and its complex network of relationships in a transition democracy.
Interestingly, I found that countryside families consider themselves less affected by the social, political and economic changes brought fourth by the transition. Aside from privatization of livestock, most families perceived themselves and their families as virtually untouched by the transition. While this perception is surprising given the large percent of rural poverty, all of the families we interviewed saw few changes as a result of the transition. It is important to note that due to the tremendous risk and uncertainty attached to a nomadic lifestyle, many herders find themselves in situations where migration to urban areas is an unfortunate necessity. Once in the city, these families are more susceptible to change and more inclined to be directly affected by the political and economic climate. As previously mentioned, this phenomenon is often attributed to the constant bombardment of western media and the economic and psychological vulnerability of families. Many people have expressed concern that children grow up with an exposure to a very different environment and urban culture, causing differences that manifest themselves in terms of intergenerational tensions with those more accustomed to traditional nomadic life.
Rather than briefly touching upon all the issues that were raised during our research, I will focus solely upon the idea of togetherness as a family unit.
Hypothesis:
Due to the major social, economic, and political changes of the 1991 democratic transition, there are a growing number of differences in the older and younger generations that may pose potential threats to the traditional unity of the family.
Sample Set:
Ms. Adiya and I interviewed nine families. Four families had four generations and five consisted of three generations. Four of the families were living in Ulaanbaatar, and of those, three were located in the lower class ger districts, while one was located in a middle class neighborhood. Five families were located about one hour outside the city in Tuv Aimag. The five interviews were conducted in the countryside with nomadic herders.
Methodology:
We used an informal interview strategy to conduct a qualitative research project with a total of nine different families. In the rural site, the interviews were held with each family member, and the rest of the time was spent with each family in participant observation. In the urban site, because we were not staying in the living quarters of each family, the interview consisted of visits to the apartment or ger of residence. Our interviews (Figure 1.) were conducted with each family member over of the age of 18 and present at the time of the interview. The total interview time for all family members was usually about one to two hours. We also each filled out one observation table each (Figure 2.) noting physical surroundings and non-verbal communication such as body language or facial expressions.
Background Research
Intergenerational research, referring to the study of cross-generational interaction, typically among the old and young, has emerged within the past three decades. [9] With the average life expectancy on the rise all around the world, older adults are able to fill larger roles in the lives of younger generations, and thus, are influencing one another more than ever before. With only 3.9% of the country over the age of 65, and 67.4% between the ages of 15-64 demographically, Mongolia is a very young country.[10] Although a small number of individuals comprise the very oldest generation, there is still a significant general feeling of respect and value towards older individuals. Mongolians traditionally live with multiple generations in a single ger, and it is customary to live with and care for elderly family members at home. This keeps the young and old constantly connected to one another.
During my literature review prior to arriving in Mongolia, I was unable to find any documents or articles concerning Mongolian intergenerational relationships. There has, however, been well documented intergenerational research and programming in other parts of Asia including such countries as China, Singapore, Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Japan. For example, in 2002, the "Re-engaging the Generations: Intergenerational Programming in Social Services" conference was held in Singapore, and discussed various ways to heighten awareness of intergenerational programs, facilitate information exchange between Asian countries, and to build plans to successfully implement programs.[11] While these topics are certainly important and pertinent to many Asian countries, Mongolia's unique status as a country impacted heavily by both Asian and Eastern European influences makes it difficult to find countries that share many common characteristics. While it would be incorrect to make generalizations about Mongolia by correlating it with other Asian countries, it would also be a mistake to group it with other Eastern European countries. There were, however, a few ways in which past Asian intergenerational research applies to Mongolia. Generally speaking, for example, research has shown that "in the context of the rapid social and economic changes taking place in many Asian countries. . . traditional patterns of intergenerational relationships-in which social power, finance, and influence typically flow from older to younger people-are under pressure to change"[12] The idea of intergenerational change in response to social change is one that has great relevance in Mongolia, given the relatively recent democratic transition. With a completely new political and economic infrastructure, Mongolia has experienced massive social change and is still in the process of arranging itself in a way that meets the need of the country and its people.
Instead of trying to restrict Mongolia to the confines of other countries or regions, I found it more useful to study literature that focused more upon the theories behind intergenerational relationships. In Lynn Jamieson's Intergenerational Relationships: Theory and Method, for example, her main argument is that intergenerational relationships can be treated as a barometer of social change, or even as the drivers of social change themselves. Jamieson argues that "intergenerational relationships play key roles in the psychological wellbeing and social connectedness of individuals and therefore are the basic human and social capital that makes a society possible." [13] This idea led me to question whether or not Mongolian families and their relationships adjust themselves in a way that reflects the ongoing change in the surrounding environment.
Togetherness as a Family Unit: "Mongol families just stick together. . ."
The most notable and distinguishable characteristics of Mongolian families that I have observed is the tremendously strong bonds between family members that form a single, tightly linked unit. I found that while these bonds are currently strong, many urban family members are concerned about the future welfare of these relationships. In contrast, most countryside families did not seem especially anxious about the future of the family's unity. One of the first and most telling signs of this idea was that each one of the nine family interviews we conducted always turned into an entire family interview rather than individual interviews with each family member. Initially, we tried to direct questions at specific family members, but no matter the nature of the question, whether personal or specific to an individual, other family members inevitably responded to the questions as well, as if it was asked of everyone. While at first this was frustrating because it was difficult to identify individual beliefs and attitudes, it soon become clear that this expression was just as revealing as the verbal responses themselves; it reflected the feeling that above all, the family is a single entity composed of individuals, and that a question asked of one was a question pertaining to all.
I found the networks of familial relationships and extended family ties were just as strong and extensive as those of family members residing together. All of the families said that they maintained very close relationships with siblings, cousins, and other family members, which often included over one hundred people. A commonly recurring response to questions of closeness with extended family was, "their children are like my children." And indeed, in one third of families interviewed, at least one family member present was referred to as one's child but was actually the child of a sibling, cousin, or even more distant relation. Despite the large numbers of individuals within a family line, most of the families said that they made a conscientious effort to see family outside their residence as much as possible. Families made a special effort at the Mongolian Lunar New Year (Tsagaan Sar), when family members from all over Mongolia travel to a single destination to enjoy the holiday all together, sometimes with people numbering in the hundreds. These strong familial ties further reinforce the strong sentiments of the family as a united entity, one that operates and functions as one rather than in its component parts.
While I have discussed the unique closeness of Mongolian families, there is growing concern in urban families, especially from the oldest members of families (grandparents and great grandparents) that this tradition is threatened by urban culture. A common complaint from older generations is that urban adolescents seem to be growing more disrespectful towards their elders. Numerous stories of teenagers not giving up their seat on the bus for an old person, or disregarding an old woman carrying heavy groceries, were given as examples by older family members to demonstrate a growing attitude of indifference toward older generations, even in one's own family.
While these examples demonstrate an obviously negative change in outlook between older and younger generations, I also came across instances of differences in generational perceptions that were not necessarily negative, but definitely a clear sign of change. For example, the great grandmother of a four generation household told me that multi-generational living is something that really sets Mongolians apart by building a strong sense of family identity. She explained that in a four generation household such as her own, a child grows up receiving love and attention from people of all ages, and the different lessons learned are ones that cannot simply be taught through occasional visits. She expressed the sentiment that multi-generational living was, without a doubt, the best way to raise a child and hoped that the younger generations of her family would continue this Mongolian tradition with their families. Alternatively, however, this woman's younger daughter stated that if she had the financial resources, she would not choose to live in a multi-generational household. Rather, she believed that it was better for children to move away from their parents when they reached maturity in order to develop a sense of personal independence and individual self-worth. These two very different attitudes towards intergenerational relationships reflect the changing outlooks of younger generations and illustrate the potential threats to traditional Mongolian family structure.
By contrast, when interviewing families in the countryside, I found that no one seemed to mention their concerns regarding threats to family unity. When asked how intergenerational relationships have changed since the transition, most responses were simply that they had changed little, if any. It seemed as though people did not have much to say on the subject because they viewed it as irrelevant to their situation. In fact, most people did not appear to have critically thought about this issue at all. Just as countryside families tended to not perceive themselves as having been impacted much by the transition, they also did not seem to seriously consider the possibility of modernity posing threats to their traditional style of living. Due to the isolated nature of countryside living, families are much more sheltered from the heavy influences of the outside world, and therefore, are able to resist many potential forces of change that have become diluted over the distance. The only change that was occasionally noted regarding differences between older and younger generations was the possibility of the young receiving higher education, but even this fate seemed uncertain and improbable due to limited financial resources.
An excellent physical manifestation of the shifting focus of individual, rather than shared benefits in urban areas, is reflected in the decreasing numbers of gers in the city. The Monglian ger is a small, sturdy circular structure containing a single room where every task including cooking, recreation, eating, and sleeping take place-all of which are done together, old and young generations alike. Needless to say, the ger is extremely conducive to a community environment, encouraging sharing and fostering a strong sense of interdependence and togetherness; in essence, the family operates like a ger, as one strong collective entity. The fact that many Mongolians in urban areas now live in apartments and houses rather than in gers is an often overlooked but very significant change. As Sambuu pointed out, "houses and apartments create a more spread out environment that separate older and younger family members in a number of ways. First, children tend to have a separate room of their own, away from older family members. Secondly, because daily tasks such as cooking and recreation tend to have different designated rooms for each activity, daily responsibilities are kept separate so that people working on different tasks are not around one another as often, a problem that does not present itself in the setting of a ger." [14] Essentially, separate rooms can create both a physical and emotional separation from individual family members.
The urban struggle between individualism and family unity is also reflected politically, in terms of laws and rights. With the transition of socialism to democracy, a chief government concern and major area of focus is on individual rights. While the concept of individualism is a relatively basic idea in most western and democratic societies, Mongolian society has historically almost always emphasized unity over individuality. Before the transition in 1991, Mongolians were ruled under socialist principles that emphasized working for the good of the whole rather than the individual, while individual expression and self interest were discouraged. But even before this period, Mongolia was and in many parts of the country, still is comprised of nomadic herders whose culture operates under the principle that all family members contribute their collective efforts for the good of the family. Keeping this social and historical context in mind, it is easier to see how the democratic emphasis on individual rights is a dramatic change for the country. There is growing concern among the elderly that the younger generations of Mongolia have come to internalize this newly introduced concept, and express it in terms of their goals for the future and desire for material success, rather than for the good of their families. During one particular interview with a family in the city, one elderly man told us that today "everyone knows their individual rights, but nobody knows their societal obligations." In other words, in exercising one's right to individuality, many people are losing sight of their social responsibility to others. Indeed, Sambuu explained how the political climate today is one that encourages people to adopt an "I then we" approach which is not very compatible with the "we then I" mentality of traditional nomadic culture. So far, this underlying struggle has not yet seemed to manifest itself into the personal outlooks of people living in the countryside, but it does seem to have had an effect upon the mentalities of people living in Ulaanbaatar.
Problems/Limitations:
While our research project generally ran smoothly, we still encountered a number of problems in the field and realized a number of limitations to our research that should be noted as potential sources of error. First of all, our sample size was very small, only nine (four urban, five rural) families, with a total of approximately 75 individuals. Therefore, the sample size was not sufficient enough to draw any solid conclusions about Mongolian families as a whole, but rather, should be viewed as series of case studies that could be helpful in identifying possible areas that require more in depth and comprehensive research in the future.
Secondly, as we interviewed families in a broad range of socio-economic classes the variable of income level was not controlled. Because, as I have mentioned, I find families to be reflective of their present economic and social situation, I think it would be wrong to make any judgments or generalizations about families in Mongolia of all socioeconomic classes after having studied only a small number of families in vastly different income levels. To truly understand families, it would be wise to conduct a number of research projects, each one focusing on families within a specific socioeconomic class, rather than in a range. In this way, a solid conclusion about one area, rather than the whole country, could be accurately formed. Despite this source of error, being able to directly see the variations in family life depending upon social and financial situation was very valuable from an observation's standpoint.
Additionally, we encountered problems and identified flaws with our initial set of questions upon our very first interview. The first family was living in the ger districts in extreme poverty, and we quickly discovered that asking questions only directed at the specifics of their relationships did not encourage enthusiasm or interest. Rather, the responses seemed to always relate back to the fact that they were poor and struggling. Asking questions such as "What is your role in the family?" seemed superfluous and trivial in a context where main concerns consisted of feeding oneself. It was apparent that most of our questions need to be re-written, and we needed to find a better approach to achieve our goals. We discovered that rather than asking direct questions about roles and responsibilities in order to understand them, it was much more effective to instead asked questions that aimed at discussion-based responses; we hoped that the discussions would indirectly show the kinds of relationships between generations by highlighting the differences in generational perceptions of major issues. For example, we asked questions such as "How do you feel about urban migration?" or "How has your life changed from the transition?" We saw an immediate turn-around in the general attitude of family members and the quality of responses. More provocative questions led to more engaging and focused family members who seemed interested in not only our questions, but also in the subject matter itself.
Another large problem was the fact that we could not interview subjects under the age of 18 due to restrictions of the Institutional Review Board of Approval. This constraint meant that any information we gathered about younger generations was either from personal observation or from the perspective of older people, rather than directly from the young. As this was an intergenerational study, it is important to hear from all generations, including the youngest, to fully understand their awareness of situations as well as personal thoughts and outlooks on family relationships and change. It would be interesting to investigate if they experience and internalize societal changes in the same way as older generations, thus indicating the extent to which older and younger generations understand one another's thoughts and expectations. Were further research to be conducted on this topic, I think it would be imperative to include this age group in the study as well.
Conclusion:
Traditionally, Mongolian family ties are incredibly strong. The atmosphere of the home is one that encourages interdependence and above all, emphasizes the concerns of the family as a single unit rather than of individual interests. But because Mongolia is still in the process of undergoing a major economic, political, and social transition, many facets of society are facing the challenge of keeping up with the constant changes created by modernization and development. Many families moving to the city in hopes of finding opportunities for employment instead find themselves without a job and in extremely difficult financial circumstances. The heavy burden of these situations often push people to turn to drugs and alcohol as an escape, and in the process, create a number of serious domestic problems. In the midst of these issues, I observed a growing concern expressed by the older generations for the future of traditional practices of family unity and the continuation of the multi-generational household in Mongolia. Part of the basis of these concerns, according to Alta Badarch at the Nisora Fund and Basaanbatt Sambuu of Mongolia Urkh, is that urban adolescents are growing up with an exposure to heavily western influences that encourage a sense of individualism over the family. While I observed this trend in Ulaanbaatar, I did not detect these same feelings of alarm for the future of the family in the countryside. Most countryside families did not feel as threatened by possible changes most likely because they are so far removed the city and its urban lifestyle. But with the constant threat of urban migration looming, the family is more likely to experience the changes of the transition and its familial effects much more vividly once exposed to the problems of the evolving culture in the city.
In my analysis, the future of the Mongolian family unit is still unclear. While there appears to be a general trend in the cities towards more individualized family members, I was still struck by the remarkably genuine display of togetherness and interdependence of the families. The tradition of a strong, united family in Mongolia has continued for thousands of years, through incredible conquests and tragic takeovers. Whether or not this most recent chapter of transition in Mongolian history will be the final catalyst for familial change is still unclear. In the coming years, the Mongolian family and its notorious quality of enduring strength must develop new and effective methods to reconcile the conflicting forces of modernization and tradition, perhaps one of the most challenging Mongolian conquests yet.
[1] National Statistical Office, World Bank and UNDP, Main Report of the Sample Survey on Household Income, Expenditure, and Living Standards (Ulaanbaatar, 2004), 2.
[2] Poverty Research Group of Ministry of Finance and UNDP, Impact of Utility Charges on Poor Households. Survey Report (Ulaanbaatar, 2005).
[3] Mongolian Census. Ulaanbaatar, February 2000.
[4] A 1985-1997 study quoted in Association Against Alcohol and Narcotics, Manual for Trainers (Ulaanbaatar, 2005).
[5] Mongolian Census. Ulaanbaatar, February 2000.
[6] Epidemiological Study of Alcohol Consumption, Alcohol Drinking Patterns and Alcohol related harms in Mongolia. (Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 2006).
[7] Quotes and information taken from interview with Baasanbatt Sambuu, psychologist, family therapist, and director of Mongol Urkh. Mongol Urkh, 2007. Mongol Urkh is an NGO started in 2006 aimed at counseling families and individuals with social or psychological problems.
[8] Kamnuansilpa, P., Pronmmo, A., Bryant, J., & Wongthanavasu, S. (2002). The Linkage between Children and Elderly Persons in Northeast Thailand. Paper presented at the "Re-engaging the Generations: Intergenerational Programming and Social Services" international conference. Singapore, March 4-6.
[9] Newman, Sally. Journal of Intergenerational Relationships, Vol 1(1) 2003.
[10] CIA World Factbook. Retrieved: July 20, 2007. [https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook /geos/mg.html]
[11] Henkin, Nancy Z., Kaplan, Matthew S., and Thang, Leng Leng. Intergenerational Programming in Asia: Converging Toward a Common Goal. (53). Journal of Intergenerational Relationships, Vol. 1(1) 2003.
[12] Henkin, Nancy Z., Kaplan, Matthew S., and Thang, Leng Leng. Intergenerational Programming in Asia: Converging Toward a Common Goal. (51). Journal of Intergenerational Relationships, Vol. 1(1) 2003.
[13] Jamieson, Lynn. Intergenerational Relationships: Theory and Method. Center for Research on Families and Relationships, 1999.
[14] Quotes and information taken from interview with Baasanbatt Sambuu, psychologist, family therapist, and director of Mongol Urkh, 2007.
