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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

My week in the countryside was incredible. Just to give you an idea of some of the activities I participated in.... I visited champion horses, milked sheep, hiked up a mountain led by 8 Mongolian children, dined on goat intestines, and interviewed five wonderful families...truly an incredible experience.

I just finished my report on my research and volunteer work for the summer, so instead of going into great detail about the last week, I am instead going to present you all with my observations and findings from the past 9 weeks. Enjoy!

Introduction:
Under the advisement of Dr. Sally Newman, this summer, I along with Enkhjargal Adiya, a PhD candidate at the University of Pittsburgh, conducted research on intergenerational relationships, and in order to better understand the Mongolian family, I also volunteered for a branch of the Mongolian Women's Fund (MONES), an NGO that financially supports women's initiatives. These experiences solidified my understanding of the Mongolian family and the numerous factors shaping Mongolian society. Both realms reinforced the ways that the Mongolian generations have been affected by modernization and urbanization. Whether or not these different experiences pose permanent threats to the traditional Mongolian family structure and relationships is perhaps the most important question of my research, but also the most difficult and complex to answer. In this report, I will explain the nature of my work with MONES, reflect on my personal experiences of the family and social problems that I encountered, and then explore the effect of increased individualism on the family structure in urban and rural environments

VOLUNTEERWORK

Duties and Tasks:

Because the headquarters of the Mongolian Women's Fund was closed for the month of July, I was assigned to one of their branches, the Nisora Fund, sponsored by Nisora LLC. The Nisora Fund is involved in all areas of societal dysfunction including campaigns against domestic violence, a battered women's and children's center called the "Transition House," anti-sexual harassment programs, lobbying against child abuse and sexual harassment, and providing free counseling, training, and advocacy services. I assisted with grant applications, edited written English on various documents, and explained incoming English documents. Nisora is planning "A campaign for Men and Boys against Gender Inequality" for the month of August, so most of my work was on grants and documentation for this purpose.

Observations:
During my brief time at the Nisora Fund, I was exposed to many important social, political, and economic issues that affect family and intergenerational relationships My work helped me grasp many issues related to major social problems in Mongolia, thus enabling me to identify a set of possible explanations for the family concerns I encountered during my research. Among the many issues the Nisora Fund addresses, two items were constantly emphasized: domestic abuse and alcoholism. Mongolia is in a state of severe economic and social crisis. According to the 2004-2005 Civil Society Report for Mongolia, an alarming 36.1% of the population lives in poverty.[1] This is probably a low estimate given that the standard of living is set artificially low (around 20,200-26,500 Tg).[2] Thus, it is not surprising that the rate of unemployment is very high (at least 20%).[3] With so many people without jobs and living in poverty, cases of alcohol abuse have escalated dramatically. Estimates show that 51% of the adult population abuses alcohol.[4] This fact, in conjunction with the increase in urban migration to Ulaanbaatar which is already home to one third of the country's population[5], complicates circumstances even more. With so much overcrowding, it is extremely difficult to find urban employment or even maintain the motivation to find a job. This dangerous combination of poverty, unemployment, and alcohol in the last 10-15 years has led to an increased number of violence and domestic abuse cases. The correlation between alcoholism and domestic abuse is very strong, with a recent report by the Mongolian Ministry of Health in 2006 showing the significant numbers of violent incidents committed by family members under the influence of alcohol.[6]

In its short time running, the Nisora Fund has created counseling groups aimed at helping those affected by domestic abuse or alcohol. All groups are led by trained psychologists, one of whom was my supervisor, Alta Badarch. My conversations with her have provided me with insight into the growing numbers of domestic abuse cases, especially in recent migrants. Families often come to the city with no resources, having lost all their livestock to a harsh winter or, as in 2001, a Mongolian dzud (blizzard). While most of these people come to Ulaanbaatar with the intention of earning a living, many find themselves unable to seek employment due to both a lack of jobs and lack of higher education. These factors contribute to great amounts of stress and frustration, and such a tense environment often leads urban adolescents to seek attention and support from outside the family.

These mounting pressures, says Baasanbat Sambuu[7], the director and psychologist at "Mongol Urkh," (a family therapy center), are one of the leading causes of family and intergenerational tension. In her analysis, the heavy influence of western media and the "hip hop" culture adopted by many of today's Mongolian adolescents is in direct response to the lack of emotional family support at home or the presence of an alcoholic or abusive parent (or, in many cases, both). Now that Mongolia is an emerging player in a market economy, Sambuu believes that many people are focusing their attention on providing monetary, rather than emotional support for the family. What makes this situation even more troubling is that much of the urban culture and media is focused upon material success, putting pressure on people in a society of high unemployment and poverty to make money, spend it, and acquire more material things. These two obviously incompatible forces often put older generations in an impossible situation that can them lead to depression and drinking.

The current and changing status of the Mongolian family is easily understood through the lens of a family center such as Mongol Urkh. All counseling sessions take place in a ger in Ms. Sambuu's office. Sambuu believes that a ger's solid, sturdy structure represents the positive features of the Mongolian family, providing the perfect setting for a comfortable, constructive family discussion. All the patients she receives have come voluntarily, demonstrating the growing interest in being proactive to fix social circumstances. Among the more common problems dealt with in sessions are alcoholism, domestic abuse, and parenting. According to Sambuu, the nature of the conflicts between parents and children tend to involve a lack of proper communication. This is often caused by an inability to relate to or understand one another's interests or activities. This kind of barrier between adults and children seems to have intensified with the increasing western influence in Ulaanbaatar. Many people, especially women, come individually for counseling on family matters, illustrating the shift from the family as a single entity to individualism. Not only does this trend show that individuals are able to recognize when a situation has escalated to a serious problem, but also that more people perceive themselves as individuals in need of help rather than part of an entire family in need of help.

Additionally, Sambuu also mentioned that many of her patients come from families who have had one parent working abroad in Russia, China, or Korea for most of the child's life, in order to financially support the family. While monetary support is obviously critical to living a secure and content life, in her experiences, the absence of a parent can be very hard on a growing child even if it is the grandparent who provides the childcare. This condition of "absent-middle-generation" [8] is one that can create feelings of resentment of younger generations towards older generations, and can encourage the desire to break with tradition and seek a new identity elsewhere.

RESEARCH

Rationale:
The goal of my research project was to better understand the patterns and trends in intergenerational relationships through interviews with multi-generational families in both urban and rural environments. Upon my arrival, I quickly discovered how difficult it was to untangle the complicated cluster of issues surrounding the family unit and still manage to maintain a single focus. I had not expected the extent to which the family, especially in the city, is so inexorably intertwined with social, economic, and political complexities. I have found that urban family relationships are like shock absorbers of the surrounding social and economic environment; they absorb the changes and transitions into their very depths and adjust themselves in response to each modification. In a place where so many drastic social and economic changes have occurred within so short a period of time, Mongolia provides an interesting case study of the family unit and its complex network of relationships in a transition democracy.

Interestingly, I found that countryside families consider themselves less affected by the social, political and economic changes brought fourth by the transition. Aside from privatization of livestock, most families perceived themselves and their families as virtually untouched by the transition. While this perception is surprising given the large percent of rural poverty, all of the families we interviewed saw few changes as a result of the transition. It is important to note that due to the tremendous risk and uncertainty attached to a nomadic lifestyle, many herders find themselves in situations where migration to urban areas is an unfortunate necessity. Once in the city, these families are more susceptible to change and more inclined to be directly affected by the political and economic climate. As previously mentioned, this phenomenon is often attributed to the constant bombardment of western media and the economic and psychological vulnerability of families. Many people have expressed concern that children grow up with an exposure to a very different environment and urban culture, causing differences that manifest themselves in terms of intergenerational tensions with those more accustomed to traditional nomadic life.

Rather than briefly touching upon all the issues that were raised during our research, I will focus solely upon the idea of togetherness as a family unit.

Hypothesis:
Due to the major social, economic, and political changes of the 1991 democratic transition, there are a growing number of differences in the older and younger generations that may pose potential threats to the traditional unity of the family.

Sample Set:
Ms. Adiya and I interviewed nine families. Four families had four generations and five consisted of three generations. Four of the families were living in Ulaanbaatar, and of those, three were located in the lower class ger districts, while one was located in a middle class neighborhood. Five families were located about one hour outside the city in Tuv Aimag. The five interviews were conducted in the countryside with nomadic herders.

Methodology:
We used an informal interview strategy to conduct a qualitative research project with a total of nine different families. In the rural site, the interviews were held with each family member, and the rest of the time was spent with each family in participant observation. In the urban site, because we were not staying in the living quarters of each family, the interview consisted of visits to the apartment or ger of residence. Our interviews (Figure 1.) were conducted with each family member over of the age of 18 and present at the time of the interview. The total interview time for all family members was usually about one to two hours. We also each filled out one observation table each (Figure 2.) noting physical surroundings and non-verbal communication such as body language or facial expressions.

Background Research
Intergenerational research, referring to the study of cross-generational interaction, typically among the old and young, has emerged within the past three decades. [9] With the average life expectancy on the rise all around the world, older adults are able to fill larger roles in the lives of younger generations, and thus, are influencing one another more than ever before. With only 3.9% of the country over the age of 65, and 67.4% between the ages of 15-64 demographically, Mongolia is a very young country.[10] Although a small number of individuals comprise the very oldest generation, there is still a significant general feeling of respect and value towards older individuals. Mongolians traditionally live with multiple generations in a single ger, and it is customary to live with and care for elderly family members at home. This keeps the young and old constantly connected to one another.

During my literature review prior to arriving in Mongolia, I was unable to find any documents or articles concerning Mongolian intergenerational relationships. There has, however, been well documented intergenerational research and programming in other parts of Asia including such countries as China, Singapore, Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Japan. For example, in 2002, the "Re-engaging the Generations: Intergenerational Programming in Social Services" conference was held in Singapore, and discussed various ways to heighten awareness of intergenerational programs, facilitate information exchange between Asian countries, and to build plans to successfully implement programs.[11] While these topics are certainly important and pertinent to many Asian countries, Mongolia's unique status as a country impacted heavily by both Asian and Eastern European influences makes it difficult to find countries that share many common characteristics. While it would be incorrect to make generalizations about Mongolia by correlating it with other Asian countries, it would also be a mistake to group it with other Eastern European countries. There were, however, a few ways in which past Asian intergenerational research applies to Mongolia. Generally speaking, for example, research has shown that "in the context of the rapid social and economic changes taking place in many Asian countries. . . traditional patterns of intergenerational relationships-in which social power, finance, and influence typically flow from older to younger people-are under pressure to change"[12] The idea of intergenerational change in response to social change is one that has great relevance in Mongolia, given the relatively recent democratic transition. With a completely new political and economic infrastructure, Mongolia has experienced massive social change and is still in the process of arranging itself in a way that meets the need of the country and its people.
Instead of trying to restrict Mongolia to the confines of other countries or regions, I found it more useful to study literature that focused more upon the theories behind intergenerational relationships. In Lynn Jamieson's Intergenerational Relationships: Theory and Method, for example, her main argument is that intergenerational relationships can be treated as a barometer of social change, or even as the drivers of social change themselves. Jamieson argues that "intergenerational relationships play key roles in the psychological wellbeing and social connectedness of individuals and therefore are the basic human and social capital that makes a society possible." [13] This idea led me to question whether or not Mongolian families and their relationships adjust themselves in a way that reflects the ongoing change in the surrounding environment.

Togetherness as a Family Unit: "Mongol families just stick together. . ."
The most notable and distinguishable characteristics of Mongolian families that I have observed is the tremendously strong bonds between family members that form a single, tightly linked unit. I found that while these bonds are currently strong, many urban family members are concerned about the future welfare of these relationships. In contrast, most countryside families did not seem especially anxious about the future of the family's unity. One of the first and most telling signs of this idea was that each one of the nine family interviews we conducted always turned into an entire family interview rather than individual interviews with each family member. Initially, we tried to direct questions at specific family members, but no matter the nature of the question, whether personal or specific to an individual, other family members inevitably responded to the questions as well, as if it was asked of everyone. While at first this was frustrating because it was difficult to identify individual beliefs and attitudes, it soon become clear that this expression was just as revealing as the verbal responses themselves; it reflected the feeling that above all, the family is a single entity composed of individuals, and that a question asked of one was a question pertaining to all.
I found the networks of familial relationships and extended family ties were just as strong and extensive as those of family members residing together. All of the families said that they maintained very close relationships with siblings, cousins, and other family members, which often included over one hundred people. A commonly recurring response to questions of closeness with extended family was, "their children are like my children." And indeed, in one third of families interviewed, at least one family member present was referred to as one's child but was actually the child of a sibling, cousin, or even more distant relation. Despite the large numbers of individuals within a family line, most of the families said that they made a conscientious effort to see family outside their residence as much as possible. Families made a special effort at the Mongolian Lunar New Year (Tsagaan Sar), when family members from all over Mongolia travel to a single destination to enjoy the holiday all together, sometimes with people numbering in the hundreds. These strong familial ties further reinforce the strong sentiments of the family as a united entity, one that operates and functions as one rather than in its component parts.

While I have discussed the unique closeness of Mongolian families, there is growing concern in urban families, especially from the oldest members of families (grandparents and great grandparents) that this tradition is threatened by urban culture. A common complaint from older generations is that urban adolescents seem to be growing more disrespectful towards their elders. Numerous stories of teenagers not giving up their seat on the bus for an old person, or disregarding an old woman carrying heavy groceries, were given as examples by older family members to demonstrate a growing attitude of indifference toward older generations, even in one's own family.

While these examples demonstrate an obviously negative change in outlook between older and younger generations, I also came across instances of differences in generational perceptions that were not necessarily negative, but definitely a clear sign of change. For example, the great grandmother of a four generation household told me that multi-generational living is something that really sets Mongolians apart by building a strong sense of family identity. She explained that in a four generation household such as her own, a child grows up receiving love and attention from people of all ages, and the different lessons learned are ones that cannot simply be taught through occasional visits. She expressed the sentiment that multi-generational living was, without a doubt, the best way to raise a child and hoped that the younger generations of her family would continue this Mongolian tradition with their families. Alternatively, however, this woman's younger daughter stated that if she had the financial resources, she would not choose to live in a multi-generational household. Rather, she believed that it was better for children to move away from their parents when they reached maturity in order to develop a sense of personal independence and individual self-worth. These two very different attitudes towards intergenerational relationships reflect the changing outlooks of younger generations and illustrate the potential threats to traditional Mongolian family structure.

By contrast, when interviewing families in the countryside, I found that no one seemed to mention their concerns regarding threats to family unity. When asked how intergenerational relationships have changed since the transition, most responses were simply that they had changed little, if any. It seemed as though people did not have much to say on the subject because they viewed it as irrelevant to their situation. In fact, most people did not appear to have critically thought about this issue at all. Just as countryside families tended to not perceive themselves as having been impacted much by the transition, they also did not seem to seriously consider the possibility of modernity posing threats to their traditional style of living. Due to the isolated nature of countryside living, families are much more sheltered from the heavy influences of the outside world, and therefore, are able to resist many potential forces of change that have become diluted over the distance. The only change that was occasionally noted regarding differences between older and younger generations was the possibility of the young receiving higher education, but even this fate seemed uncertain and improbable due to limited financial resources.

An excellent physical manifestation of the shifting focus of individual, rather than shared benefits in urban areas, is reflected in the decreasing numbers of gers in the city. The Monglian ger is a small, sturdy circular structure containing a single room where every task including cooking, recreation, eating, and sleeping take place-all of which are done together, old and young generations alike. Needless to say, the ger is extremely conducive to a community environment, encouraging sharing and fostering a strong sense of interdependence and togetherness; in essence, the family operates like a ger, as one strong collective entity. The fact that many Mongolians in urban areas now live in apartments and houses rather than in gers is an often overlooked but very significant change. As Sambuu pointed out, "houses and apartments create a more spread out environment that separate older and younger family members in a number of ways. First, children tend to have a separate room of their own, away from older family members. Secondly, because daily tasks such as cooking and recreation tend to have different designated rooms for each activity, daily responsibilities are kept separate so that people working on different tasks are not around one another as often, a problem that does not present itself in the setting of a ger." [14] Essentially, separate rooms can create both a physical and emotional separation from individual family members.

The urban struggle between individualism and family unity is also reflected politically, in terms of laws and rights. With the transition of socialism to democracy, a chief government concern and major area of focus is on individual rights. While the concept of individualism is a relatively basic idea in most western and democratic societies, Mongolian society has historically almost always emphasized unity over individuality. Before the transition in 1991, Mongolians were ruled under socialist principles that emphasized working for the good of the whole rather than the individual, while individual expression and self interest were discouraged. But even before this period, Mongolia was and in many parts of the country, still is comprised of nomadic herders whose culture operates under the principle that all family members contribute their collective efforts for the good of the family. Keeping this social and historical context in mind, it is easier to see how the democratic emphasis on individual rights is a dramatic change for the country. There is growing concern among the elderly that the younger generations of Mongolia have come to internalize this newly introduced concept, and express it in terms of their goals for the future and desire for material success, rather than for the good of their families. During one particular interview with a family in the city, one elderly man told us that today "everyone knows their individual rights, but nobody knows their societal obligations." In other words, in exercising one's right to individuality, many people are losing sight of their social responsibility to others. Indeed, Sambuu explained how the political climate today is one that encourages people to adopt an "I then we" approach which is not very compatible with the "we then I" mentality of traditional nomadic culture. So far, this underlying struggle has not yet seemed to manifest itself into the personal outlooks of people living in the countryside, but it does seem to have had an effect upon the mentalities of people living in Ulaanbaatar.

Problems/Limitations:
While our research project generally ran smoothly, we still encountered a number of problems in the field and realized a number of limitations to our research that should be noted as potential sources of error. First of all, our sample size was very small, only nine (four urban, five rural) families, with a total of approximately 75 individuals. Therefore, the sample size was not sufficient enough to draw any solid conclusions about Mongolian families as a whole, but rather, should be viewed as series of case studies that could be helpful in identifying possible areas that require more in depth and comprehensive research in the future.
Secondly, as we interviewed families in a broad range of socio-economic classes the variable of income level was not controlled. Because, as I have mentioned, I find families to be reflective of their present economic and social situation, I think it would be wrong to make any judgments or generalizations about families in Mongolia of all socioeconomic classes after having studied only a small number of families in vastly different income levels. To truly understand families, it would be wise to conduct a number of research projects, each one focusing on families within a specific socioeconomic class, rather than in a range. In this way, a solid conclusion about one area, rather than the whole country, could be accurately formed. Despite this source of error, being able to directly see the variations in family life depending upon social and financial situation was very valuable from an observation's standpoint.

Additionally, we encountered problems and identified flaws with our initial set of questions upon our very first interview. The first family was living in the ger districts in extreme poverty, and we quickly discovered that asking questions only directed at the specifics of their relationships did not encourage enthusiasm or interest. Rather, the responses seemed to always relate back to the fact that they were poor and struggling. Asking questions such as "What is your role in the family?" seemed superfluous and trivial in a context where main concerns consisted of feeding oneself. It was apparent that most of our questions need to be re-written, and we needed to find a better approach to achieve our goals. We discovered that rather than asking direct questions about roles and responsibilities in order to understand them, it was much more effective to instead asked questions that aimed at discussion-based responses; we hoped that the discussions would indirectly show the kinds of relationships between generations by highlighting the differences in generational perceptions of major issues. For example, we asked questions such as "How do you feel about urban migration?" or "How has your life changed from the transition?" We saw an immediate turn-around in the general attitude of family members and the quality of responses. More provocative questions led to more engaging and focused family members who seemed interested in not only our questions, but also in the subject matter itself.

Another large problem was the fact that we could not interview subjects under the age of 18 due to restrictions of the Institutional Review Board of Approval. This constraint meant that any information we gathered about younger generations was either from personal observation or from the perspective of older people, rather than directly from the young. As this was an intergenerational study, it is important to hear from all generations, including the youngest, to fully understand their awareness of situations as well as personal thoughts and outlooks on family relationships and change. It would be interesting to investigate if they experience and internalize societal changes in the same way as older generations, thus indicating the extent to which older and younger generations understand one another's thoughts and expectations. Were further research to be conducted on this topic, I think it would be imperative to include this age group in the study as well.

Conclusion:
Traditionally, Mongolian family ties are incredibly strong. The atmosphere of the home is one that encourages interdependence and above all, emphasizes the concerns of the family as a single unit rather than of individual interests. But because Mongolia is still in the process of undergoing a major economic, political, and social transition, many facets of society are facing the challenge of keeping up with the constant changes created by modernization and development. Many families moving to the city in hopes of finding opportunities for employment instead find themselves without a job and in extremely difficult financial circumstances. The heavy burden of these situations often push people to turn to drugs and alcohol as an escape, and in the process, create a number of serious domestic problems. In the midst of these issues, I observed a growing concern expressed by the older generations for the future of traditional practices of family unity and the continuation of the multi-generational household in Mongolia. Part of the basis of these concerns, according to Alta Badarch at the Nisora Fund and Basaanbatt Sambuu of Mongolia Urkh, is that urban adolescents are growing up with an exposure to heavily western influences that encourage a sense of individualism over the family. While I observed this trend in Ulaanbaatar, I did not detect these same feelings of alarm for the future of the family in the countryside. Most countryside families did not feel as threatened by possible changes most likely because they are so far removed the city and its urban lifestyle. But with the constant threat of urban migration looming, the family is more likely to experience the changes of the transition and its familial effects much more vividly once exposed to the problems of the evolving culture in the city.
In my analysis, the future of the Mongolian family unit is still unclear. While there appears to be a general trend in the cities towards more individualized family members, I was still struck by the remarkably genuine display of togetherness and interdependence of the families. The tradition of a strong, united family in Mongolia has continued for thousands of years, through incredible conquests and tragic takeovers. Whether or not this most recent chapter of transition in Mongolian history will be the final catalyst for familial change is still unclear. In the coming years, the Mongolian family and its notorious quality of enduring strength must develop new and effective methods to reconcile the conflicting forces of modernization and tradition, perhaps one of the most challenging Mongolian conquests yet.


[1] National Statistical Office, World Bank and UNDP, Main Report of the Sample Survey on Household Income, Expenditure, and Living Standards (Ulaanbaatar, 2004), 2.
[2] Poverty Research Group of Ministry of Finance and UNDP, Impact of Utility Charges on Poor Households. Survey Report (Ulaanbaatar, 2005).
[3] Mongolian Census. Ulaanbaatar, February 2000.
[4] A 1985-1997 study quoted in Association Against Alcohol and Narcotics, Manual for Trainers (Ulaanbaatar, 2005).
[5] Mongolian Census. Ulaanbaatar, February 2000.
[6] Epidemiological Study of Alcohol Consumption, Alcohol Drinking Patterns and Alcohol related harms in Mongolia. (Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, 2006).
[7] Quotes and information taken from interview with Baasanbatt Sambuu, psychologist, family therapist, and director of Mongol Urkh. Mongol Urkh, 2007. Mongol Urkh is an NGO started in 2006 aimed at counseling families and individuals with social or psychological problems.
[8] Kamnuansilpa, P., Pronmmo, A., Bryant, J., & Wongthanavasu, S. (2002). The Linkage between Children and Elderly Persons in Northeast Thailand. Paper presented at the "Re-engaging the Generations: Intergenerational Programming and Social Services" international conference. Singapore, March 4-6.
[9] Newman, Sally. Journal of Intergenerational Relationships, Vol 1(1) 2003.
[10] CIA World Factbook. Retrieved: July 20, 2007. [https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook /geos/mg.html]
[11] Henkin, Nancy Z., Kaplan, Matthew S., and Thang, Leng Leng. Intergenerational Programming in Asia: Converging Toward a Common Goal. (53). Journal of Intergenerational Relationships, Vol. 1(1) 2003.
[12] Henkin, Nancy Z., Kaplan, Matthew S., and Thang, Leng Leng. Intergenerational Programming in Asia: Converging Toward a Common Goal. (51). Journal of Intergenerational Relationships, Vol. 1(1) 2003.
[13] Jamieson, Lynn. Intergenerational Relationships: Theory and Method. Center for Research on Families and Relationships, 1999.
[14] Quotes and information taken from interview with Baasanbatt Sambuu, psychologist, family therapist, and director of Mongol Urkh, 2007.
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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

As of 2:00 this afternoon, I am off on my way to the Gobi with some kids from my group, and then with a short day in between at home on Tuesday, Enkhe and I are off to the countryside, about 2 hours outside of Ulaanbaatar for the rest of the week where we will be interviewing four different families. Along the way, we will also be stopping to visit one of Enkhe's cousins who owns a horse stable and many horses who compete every year in the Nadaam horse races. One of the horses actually took 2nd place this year at the national competition which Enkhe and her family are very proud of, and why she is so excited to show them to me. Mongolian horses are smaller and very fiesty animals, so as for riding one myself (not to mention the second fastest horse in Mongolia!), I'll cross that hurdle when I come to it...

I'll update again when I return!
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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

This past week has been absolutely crazy. Naadam officially began Tuesday afternoon with the military band playing songs in Sukhbaatar Square (the main square in UB). Unfortunately I missed that because I was volunteering during that time, but I did get to go to the opening ceremonies the next morning which were so much fun. The ceremonies were held in the biggest stadium in Ulaanbaatar (and Mongolia for that matter), which probably seated about 5,000 people. The amazing thing to me was how many tourists and foreigners were there--probably about two tourists to every Mongolian! You wouldn't think that Mongolia attracts that many tourists because of how remote it is, but surprisingly, especially around Naadam, you find thousands of people flocking into the capital from all corners of the world. The opening ceremonies consisted of a performance of the military band, followed by a parade of Mongolians dressed in beautiful costumes and riding around on horses, and finally a performance of some traditional songs and dances. They wasted no time to start the actual games though--as soon as the last performance was complete, the wrestlers rushed out onto the field and started warming up. The traditional costume for wrestling was unlike any costume I'd ever seen, consisting of red tight speedo-like shorts and a tiny blue jacket that is tied with a string across the chest so that the bare chest is exposed. As legend has it, the reason the jackets are designed in this way is because many years ago before there was a uniform, a woman secretly competed in the wrestling match and won, humiliating all of the men she beat (because wrestling is considered a male-only sport in Mongolia)... so from then on, people decided to have a costume that exposed the chest so that no mix-up about gender would ever occur again!

Unlike the kinds of wrestling matches I've seen in America, there are no rings or boundaries that the men have to stay in, no specific amount of time designated for each match, and the men are given one chance only to wrestle because there are not multiple rounds. The only real rule is that the loser is the person who falls on the ground first, no matter how much time it takes or how much the two men have moved around the field. My friends and I watched wrestling for a little while, and then headed outside the stadium to catch a glimpse of some archery (both men's and women's) and ankle bone (of a sheep) throwing competitions. I even was able to participate in a game of ankle bone throwing, and to my suprise, won! So the rest of the day, I basically walked around the area of the games and watched different matches here and there. The day was capped off with an amazing fireworks display in Sukhbaatar Square around 11pm, puttng an end to an exhausting but exciting day.

The games continued on into Thursday, so I went back to the stadium to watch a little bit more until only one wrestler, the champion that year, remained (out of 512 men who has entered!). Although the games had finished, people were still very much in holiday-mode. Shops and stores continued to be closed for the entire rest of the week and into the weekend, just starting to open as of yesterday and today. It's really been a great week, full of activity and relaxation...but starting today, it's back to work! I have an interview with another family in the ger districts and then off to volunteer.

Next week I am off to the countryside for the week for the rural component of my research, so I will be sure to update again before I leave!
]]> http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1183727700/tpod.html http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1183727700/tpod.html#comments Travel Blogs http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1183727700/tpod.html Sat, 07 Jul 2007 23:49:04 -0400 NSCS Scholar Abroad Blog: Mongolia

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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

The past week has been really nice--alot of down time because the woman I am working with, Enkhe, became sick so we had to postpone the interviews until the end of the week. This little lull in our research provided me with ample time to really explore Ulaanbaatar and get to know the city a bit better. I tried out many new places to eat and visited a few interesting museums, and spent much of my time reading a book and people watching in Sukhbaatar Square, this huge, beautiful square in the middle of town that is always busy with people coming and going. The spare time also gave me time to look for places to volunteer, since I decided that I would like to spend my off hours from research doing some volunteer work with the community. After looking around, I found a Mongolina women's advocacy group that really interested me. I had heard about all their activisim in anti-prostitution and human trafficking programs as well as prevention of sexual assault and sexual harassment in the work place, so I decided that I wanted to try to see if they needed any volunteers. I arranged a meeting with one of the women who worked there, and met with her this morning. She took me to the office and introduced me to the other women who worked there, all very interesting and intelligent people. We talked for a while and they decided to assign me to volunteer with a group that works specifically with sexual harassment and sexual assault in the workplace. They were really really interested in hearing my opinion and the kinds of education that had been offered to me in school regarding sexual assault, because they are trying to plan a prevention program for schools and universities that teaches people about these issues, so that's mostly what I'm going to be volunteering with...I start Monday and am very excited!
Anyway, after that, I had my second interview, which was yet again in the ger districts, only a few gers down from the last family we had interviewed. As with the last one, there were 4 generations, the oldest being 75 (the great grandfather) and the youngest being 10 days old! They answered all of our questions with such intelligent and eloquent responses, and the way they discussed their poverty and the conditions they were living under was so optimistic, offering a really refreshing perspective on dealing with hardships in the face of adversity. They all seemed to have the attitude that eventhough they weren't rich, they were all together, all healthy, and that was really what was most important. It was really a completely different attitude than the last family we had interviwed who could not seem to separate poverty from their lives and their relationships with their family (which is also an understandable response to such harsh conditions), but nonetheless, it was really interesting to see such a different way of dealing with similar circumstances. Then the family decided that they were really interested in MY family, and asked Enkhe if they could ask me some questions for a while after we were finished with interview. So they ended up asking me all about the way my family was set up, my view of multiple generations living together, and among the more interesting, they asked me whether I thought that if the Mongolian economy were to improve, would the family structure (multi-generational households) turn into something similar to the American family structure of just parents and children. The questions really made me think about myself and my family, and they ended up "interviewing" me for about an hour. It was such a great experience. We were all laughing together and sharing our insights into one another's culture, and I realize now that the best way to understand the family of another culture is to first really understand and question my own. (Maybe it sounds a bit cliche, but it's the truth!)

Anyway, next week is pretty much an off week because the Mongolian festival, Naadam, starts. Naadam is a time where basically the whole country shuts down and holds these giant national wrestling, archery, and horseback riding competitions (kind of like the Mongolian olympics). My group of friends and I bought tickets to the opening ceremonies, so I really can't wait! Hopefully the internet cafes will be open next week, but either way, I will write as soon as I can all about my Naadam experiences!
]]> http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1183083720/tpod.html http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1183083720/tpod.html#comments Travel Blogs http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1183083720/tpod.html Thu, 28 Jun 2007 23:07:15 -0400 NSCS Scholar Abroad Blog: Mongolia

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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

I arrived back in the city around 1am on Monday, after a 12 hour long drive, returning from the Gobi. While the journey was long, bumpy, and cramped (14 people plus food, plus sleeping bags, plus backpacks in one small russian van!) the overall trip was incredible. I never could have imagined how many different kinds of geographic features there are to a desert, but I certainly found out. We started out Friday afternoon and drove for a good 8 hours before we stopped at a ger camp situated near these enormous jagged rock formations that had many ancient little caves that kept the group busy exploring for a while. The next morning, we headed out bright and early to our next destination--an absolutely amazing canyon right in the middle of the barren desert. The colors of this canyon were really completely beyond words--bright oranges, reds, purples, blues--colors that I never realizes could even exist so vividly in nature. And the wind was blowing like crazy because we arrived right before a giant sand storm hit, so we could all literally learn our bodies forward and, rather than falling, be held up completely by the powerful winds;it was unlike anything I've ever experienced. One part of this experience that really struck me was how there was absolutely no one was there. I'm certain that f these canyons were in America, it would be the biggest tourist destination imaginable, but because its location is so remote (in the middle of the Gobi with no roads leading to it whatsoever) it's really a rare gem that I am so thankfu; to have seen.
After the canyon, we drove some more until we reached this small town and camped out for the night. The next day, we drove to a national park that was yet again, an absolute wonder. In the midst of this dry desert is this sudden burst of green foliage and mountains that actually has a giant glacier running right through the middle. We all got to walk around on the glacier and take some pretty amazing pictures, and then we headed off to our next destination--"the flaming cliffs". The best way to describe these cliffs is like the Grand Canyon, but different from the canyon we saw the day before. The landscape was really alot like the deep red of Mars. We climbed around on the canyon for an hour or two, and then headed for our last destination for the day--the sand dunes! The sand dunes are really what you would normally think of for a desert--long, far-reaching stretches of sand piled so high that it takes about 10 minutes climbing to reach the top (finally, a geographic feature you would actually expect to find in the Gobi!). We all ran around and played on these dunes for a few hours, and ended our day camping in the small town yet again, only to wake up the next morning and head back to Ulaanbaatar.
After such a wonderful (and exhausting!) trip, I immediately had to begin cracking down on my research the very next morning. I am working with a Mongolian woman named Enkhe who is actually a PhD candidate in the School of Education at Pitt right now. We met because she was my Mongolian language teacher this past spring semester, and, after talking about my project, decided to work together since the topic was also relevant to her interests and current area of study. She has been incredibly helpful in coordinating our interviews, organizing our data, and of course, translating, so I feel very lucky to be working with her. So, the two of us have spent the past few weeks here in Mongolia finalizing our interview questions and observation tables, and yesterday, we finally got to put all our hard work into action.
Our first family lived in the "ger districts," a large collection of gers on the outskirts of Ulaanbaatar that is really equivelent to a ghetto or "the projects". The people that tend to live in these parts are generally very poor and often, have recently migrated from the countryside to the city so are in the process of looking for employment (unfortunately, often to no avail). The family we visited consisted of 4 generations--11 people total--all sharing the same ger (a space about the size of my college dorm room). Walking into the family's neighborhood, the high degree of poverty was immediately apparent. Wild dogs were running around, children were playing outside barefoot in tattered clothing, and the smell of sewage was almost overpowering. After reaching the actual ger of the family who welcomed us with warm smiles and bowls of hot tea, I got an even stronger sense of the constant struggle of their daily lives. There were only 3 beds, a simple set of tables of chairs, and a few pieces of cooking tools and utensils. That was it. For 11 people.
The family was very warm and seemed in good spirits, all very cooperative and articulate about answering our questions. Yet what struck Enkhe and I was how difficult it was to ask questions about family relationships and interactions, when clearly, the only thing on these people's minds at the moments were their extreme poverty. Nearly every question asked had an answer that somehow related back to the family's lack of resources and inability to support themselves, and understandably so. While the interview was certainly valuable and I learned quite alot, I found it hard to analyze these answers in terms of purely intergenerational issues rather than in terms socioeconomics. Perhaps the key to this problem is learning how to combine these two ideas, in a way that shows the influence of each issue upon one another, because both are clearly not mutually exclusive.

I think I just need much more time to think about it all.

Today we have 2 different interviews, both also from the ger districts, and Monday we have another two interviews as well, but from city apartments as opposed to ger districts, so it should be interesting to note the similarities and differences of these two settings. I will update again later into next week after I have some more time to mull over these issues a bit longer.
]]> http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1180958220/tpod.html http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1180958220/tpod.html#comments Travel Blogs http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1180958220/tpod.html Tue, 19 Jun 2007 01:05:05 -0400 NSCS Scholar Abroad Blog: Mongolia

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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

I arrived yesterday afternoon, fresh off the trans-Mongolian train to Ulaan Baatar. To be honest, I was not expecting for the city to be much of anything after reading so much about the economic problems and development issues Mongolia is facing, but to my surprise, it is alot more hustling and bustling than I had initially anticipated. Don't get me wrong though--it is certainly no New York City. To start with, the buildings are very low...not really any skyscrapers, and you are constantly reminded of the fact that you are essentially in the middle of a desert, with large sandy mountains clammering over the city. There are many little shops and places to eat, fruit venders, and people moving about in all directions very quickly. While the city is more than I had expected, poverty is still its constant companion. While the main streets are generally clear of trash and rubble, once you walk off onto the side streets, including the streets that lead to my apartment, there is tons of rubble and piles of trash. Homeless children, or as locals call them, "street children" are often seen wandering around begging for money. It really is difficult to take it all in...With my mother as a social worker, the idea that so many children are without homes and without parents is not all that different from the United States. But to see children as young as 5 or 6 wandering around begging for money is not something most of us in America are used to...these daily scenes in particular is very difficult to stomach.
We had a brief orientation today at the National University of Mongolia. The university is tiny by comparison to most universities I have ever seen (only 8 buildings!) yet it is the biggest and most prestigious school in all of Mongolia. Professors came in and lectured us about Mongolian shamanism, arts and literature, and finally, the nomadic culture of Mongolians--all equally very interesting talks. I can't wait to actually begin classes and especially, learn even more of the language.

With that, I must go...we are taking a trip out into the countryside on Wednesday, so I will get to experience the opposite of urban life in Mongolia, and will write all about it later this week!
]]> http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1182143580/tpod.html http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1182143580/tpod.html#comments Travel Blogs http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1182143580/tpod.html Tue, 19 Jun 2007 01:04:00 -0400 NSCS Scholar Abroad Blog: Mongolia

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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

I just returned from the area of the countryside surrounding Khakhoren, the old capital city of Mongolia. It is located about 9 hours (by car) outside of the city, and I think it is safe to say that it is not an easy ride. First of all, the road essentially ends only a little while outside of the city, so that soon into the ride, only dirt paths and bumpy rocks await you, leaving you with nothing but a sincere hope that you know where the hell you are going. Fortunately, we had a driver who knew Mongolia like the back of his hand so we didn't get lost--but it was the bumpiest ride I'd ever been on. When we finally arrived at our ger camp, it was already almost 10pm, but I had enough time to explore a bit and find that the camp was situated on an unbelievably gorgeous piece of land. On one side, it was surrounded by towering rocky mountains, and on the other side were these sand dunes with those perfect wavy lines that look like a picture out of a desert painting. And amongst all of that, in the middle, was this huge, green, open field of hundreds of animals grazing freely. The next day during daylight, I was able to walk around this field and fully take in my surroundings. I spent hours just watching the animals and their herders. The herders ride around on horses (including children as young as 6 or 7), tending to the animals and carrying out their daily tasks.

The more I am exposed to the countryside on these weekend excursions away from the city, the more I'm really starting to recognize the differences between the countryside people and the city people, which I'm sure I will learn even more about during my research. There is definitely a divide--both physical by the enormous stretches of rolling fields and bumpy roads in between--and one that is much less tangible. I sometimes sense an uneasy feeling from the city people in reference to countryside people, and the countryside people also seem a bit distanced from city people. Being that Mongolia was a purely nomadic country for such a long time, it seems as though many countryside people who are continuing this way of life, either do not like or more likely, simple do not relate to, city lifestyle-- a lifestyle that in their eyes, mostly consists of material richness and overly complex interactions. And alternately, it seems as though many city people look at the lives of countryside people as a bit too simplistic. Of course, this is not to say that there is no respect for each other, because there certainly is. One thing that I do find relatively universal here in Mongolia, whether in the countryside or city, is the value of respect. It is just diferent, and as the country continues to modernize and become more globalized, it will be interesting to see how people will come to (hopefully) reconcile these differences.

The rest of the weekend consisted of alot of walking and watching, beautiful natural sites, and a quick trip to an old monastary built atop the ruins of Khakhoren--all of which were fascinating. I have about 4 days left of language classes, and then I am off to the Gobi desert this weekend. When I return, I will immediately jump right in on my research. I will update again after my crazy Gobi adventure!
]]> http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1181527620/tpod.html http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1181527620/tpod.html#comments Travel Blogs http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1181527620/tpod.html Sun, 10 Jun 2007 22:30:22 -0400 NSCS Scholar Abroad Blog: Mongolia

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Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

Yesterday I returned from the Hustai National Park, a park about 2 hours outside of Ulaanbaatar, that was established in 1998. My favorite part of the park by far were the wild horses that live there. About 200 completely wild, free horses that are only endemic to that area of Mongolia, live there. If you are lucky, you get to see these beautiful animals roaming around the rolling hills of Mongolia. I was fortunate enough to have spotted an entire family of these horses. Interestingly, they are much smaller than regular horses--they almost look more like ponies than horses, and as it turns out, they are actually a completely different species than the horses we are used to in America.

While there, we stayed in a ger camp, so that there were about 3 or 4 people to one ger. It's funny because looking at pictures of Mongolian gers and reading about them, I never expected them to be so sturdy, spacious, and strong. To my surprise, the ger is actually extremely strong, and even when the strong Mongolian winds blow or rain falls, the ger remains perfectly intact, without so much as a mark on it. And the inside actually has alot of space in it--definitely enough room for about 6 people if necessary, as well as a stove, a table, and some necessary supplies. It's really quite amazing that the nomadic people came up with such an efficient and strong structure that is able to be taken down and put back up, within only a few hours. Gers are strong enough to withstand the extremly harsh and cold winters that Mongolia experiences, and roomy enough to hold entire families..truly a remarkable piece of work.

The area of the countryside where my group resided was so incredibly peaceful and quiet. It's hard to imagine a place in the world that is literally completely without sound, but if you hike out far enough into the hills and small mountains of the Mongolian countryside, you suddenly find yourself listening to silence, in a place where the sound of a car motor or chattering on a cell phone has never been heard. It is no wonder that the nomadic lifestyle is so relaxed and laid back; I feel as though it would be difficult to experience much stress when everything is so beautifully simple and quiet. Needless to say, I can't wait to start my my week in the countryside for my research.

Today I officially begin my intensive Mongolian language classes, so hopefully I should be a bit more proficient in Mongolian, something that will definitely prove useful for my excursions to the countrsyide. This week will mostly consist of classes, followed by a weekend out to Hahoren, the old capital of Mongolia, where we will once again be staying at a ger camp and visiting some famous archeological sites in Mongolia...I'll update again when I return!
]]> http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1180078260/tpod.html http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1180078260/tpod.html#comments Travel Blogs http://www.travelpod.com/travel-blog-entries/iss7/mongolia-2007/1180078260/tpod.html Fri, 25 May 2007 03:41:24 -0400 NSCS Scholar Abroad Blog: Mongolia

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Beijing, China

Greetings from Beijing!

After arriving in Moscow May 13, my group and I spent time walking around the city for a little exploration. The city is so unusual. On one hand, it is so beautiful and historical, with some of the most beautiful architecture I've ever seen, but on the other hand, there is still alot of poverty and some bleak remnants of the soviet union, such as the huge high-rise apartments that tower over the outskirts of the city. But we did get to see the Kremlin, Red Square, and St. Basil's Cathedral, all of which were such a pleasure to finally see...all those history book pictures coming to life. We visited Moscow State University where we met up with a group of Russian students our age, who showed us around and hung out with us for the next few days.

After that, it was off to the trans-siberian railroad where we hopped aboard a 4 day long train ride to Irkutsk, Russia. The train was very relaxing, but after 4 days, it was extremely cramped and I was ready to get off of it! In Irkutsk, we stayed in a house on Lake Baikal, a gorgeous freshwater lake surrouned by the Ural Mountains. It was absolutely breathtaking. After spending a few relaxing days there, it was back to the trans siberian for our last long train ride to Beijing, where I arrived this morning at 5:30 am. So far, I can say that the city is huge, bustling, beautiful, and so lively...I love it. Tonight we are getting ready to go the Peking Opera and then tomorrow, we are going to Tianeman Square to walk around and explore a bit.

We leave for Mongolia via the trans mongolian June 2, and I arrive June 3, so expect to hear an update around then!
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